Bronx
Borough President Ruben Diaz Jr, like many others throughout the city,
is giving testimony today to the City Council about living wage. A
living wage law would require developers who take a certain amount of
taxpayer money to provide their employees with a higher minimum wage of
$10/hr with benefits or $11.50 without. Below is his testimony. Make the
jump for the full speech.
Bronx Borough President Ruben Diaz Jr.:
Good afternoon.
Diaz has been pushing for a living wage. |
Chairwoman
Mealy, thank you for offering me this opportunity to testify before
your committee on the “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act, an important
piece of legislation designed to ensure that our taxpayer dollars are
spent more wisely.
The
premise of the “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act is simple. When
developers take heavily from the taxpayer wallet, they must do better by
their future employees. This bill would make sure that happens, by
requiring those receiving heavy taxpayer subsidies pay their employees a
“living wage.”
That
“living wage,” as defined by our bill, is a modest sum. What we are
asking for is that employees at heavily subsidized projects earn $10 an
hour with benefits, or $11.50 an hour without, as defined by federal
law.
Although
it would not hurt the financial viability or profitability of these
major developments, this small sum would, indeed, dramatically alter the
lives of their employees. A few dollars more each week could mean the
difference between food on the table, new clothes for the children, much
needed medication or an on-time rent payment.
Jump below for the full testimony.
When
I last testified in March, I noted that the parameters of this bill
were not set in stone. We said that we were willing to listen to all
reasonable concerns about this bill and adjust it accordingly. We said
that we would be willing to make this bill more targeted and specific,
in order to address concerns over affordable housing and small
businesses. Moreover, this bill was not intended to be a retroactive
catch all, but is focused on new developments.
And
we have done just that. Over the past several months my office, along
with the two prime sponsors of this bill—Council Members Annabel Palma
and G. Oliver Koppell—and the members of the Living Wage NYC coalition,
have been working hard to amend this piece of legislation, so that some
of the concerns raised at the first hearing are addressed in this new
version of the bill.
We
have explicitly exempted “as of right subsidies,” such as the ICAP,
that the bill cannot legally tie to a “living wage” mandate. Instead,
this bill will now only focus on the specific discretionary subsidies
that are offered by the City of New York.
We
have significantly reduced the length of the bill’s mandate, from 30
years to ten years or the life of the subsidy. We have also reduced the
record keeping requirements of the original bill down to just six years,
which is already required by New York State law.
We
have excluded all manufacturing companies from this bill, so that any
wage mandate does not hinder the growth of this important field within
the five boroughs. We have raised the small business exemption from $1
million in revenue to $5 million, so that we target only the largest
businesses among us.
We
have adjusted the bill so that it does not dramatically alter the
current pay structure for tipped employees. We have disconnected the
bill from the existing “living wage ordinance,” so that we do not create
overlapping layers of regulation.
Finally,
and perhaps most significantly, we have raised the subsidy threshold of
what would be covered under this legislation from the original $100,000
to $1 million. By raising the subsidy threshold to this level, we have
insured that the targets of this bill would be large new developments,
not the mom and pop shops who are already struggling to keep their heads
above water.
We
greatly appreciate the feedback and points raised by the small business
community. In particular, the Five Borough Chambers of Commerce issued a
letter raising valid nuances and implementation issues. However, these
points are better addressed as regulations under the bill once it is
law.
In
short, we have made a good faith effort to address the concerns raised
by opponents of the “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act at the previous
hearing. And yet, we still hear misguided and inaccurate criticisms from
many of those opposed to this legislation that the bill is too harsh,
and that it will harm the City’s economy.
To
support these claims, opponents of this bill hold up a critically
flawed study put forward by the City’s Economic Development Corporation.
As we predicted more than a year ago, the final study released last
month is scientifically defective. At its core, the study focuses on the
ICAP subsidy, which would not be covered by this bill. The study was
also conducted by a consulting firm, Charles River Associates, that not
only has a history of opposition to “living wage” mandates, but the
minimum wage law as well.
What
we see here is circular logic at its finest. The mayor opposes a
“living wage,” and then hires a firm to produce a study that mirrors his
beliefs. Therefore, the report’s conclusions are hardly objective or
unbiased research. In fact, given the significant changes that this bill
has seen in recent months, this study has no relevance whatsoever to
the “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act, and represents little more than $1
million in wasted taxpayer money.
Reputable
economic experts have dismissed this study, and with good reason. James
Parrott, chief economist at the Fiscal Policy Institute, has stated
that the study “is so fraught with dubious assumptions it should be
nominated for a science fiction award.”
In
addition to noting that the study covers a subsidy that would not be
covered by this legislation, these economists have pointed to a number
of fatal flaws in the report. The study completely ignores that New York
City is already requiring a “living wage” on all projects under the
421-a subsidy program. It also fails to note that the City has required a
“living wage” at specific developments, such as those at Willets Point,
Coney Island and the former Domino Sugar factory in Williamsburg. The
report also fails to appropriately analyze similar “living wage”
provisions in other cities, such as Los Angeles, that have had similar
laws for years.
Los
Angeles County passed its living wage law in 1999, and many of that
law’s opponents made the same arguments that we hear in opposition to
our bill. Specifically, they said that developers would not build
because they feared the living wage law would make it impossible to find
tenants. Time and time again, this has been proven false in Los
Angeles. Most recently, that city saw fierce competition for the
multimillion-dollar food concessions business at Los Angeles
International Airport, competition that the living wage law did nothing
to prevent.
It should be noted that when the law was debated, then Mayor Richard Riordan opposed requiring airport contractors to pay a living wage,
claiming businesses would not want to bid on contracts at LAX if the
City Council passed a law requiring them to pay all their workers well
above minimum wage. Mayor Riordan was wrong then, and Mayor Bloomberg
is wrong now.
In fact, our good friends at the Related Companies continue to build and develop in Los Angeles. Most
of the Grand Avenue Park's development project’s funding comes from $50
million in pre-paid rent for ground leases from The Related Cos.
As
I stated before, The Related Cos. is a large reason we are here today.
Would they have committed $50 million in pre-paid rent if they believed
the Los Angeles Living Wage law would prevent them from finding
tenants? Would they have made that commitment if the law prevented
access to financing for projects?
The
answer is clearly no. Given these considerable issues and the record of
success similar laws have seen in other cities, it would be
intellectually dishonest for the mayor or anyone else to use this study
to rebut the “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act.
What
do we already know about subsidized development in our City? Look at
the Gateway Center Mall in the Bronx, just a few blocks from my office,
for a clear view of just how these projects really work.
As reported in the Daily News
in June, this heavily subsidized retail mall sees $27 million each year
in rental payments from its tenants, yet the developer—the Related
Cos.—pays less than $1 million total in rent and taxes for the space to
our City. At the same time, the mall has created only 986 full-time
jobs—a far cry from the 2,300 originally promised—and most of these jobs
pay at or near the minimum wage. Had the Living Wage law been enacted
before this project was built, this project would still have been a huge
financial windfall to both developers and tenants alike. In fact, the
BJ’s Wholesale Club location at that mall is the third most successful
store within that chain in the United States.
Numbers
like these show just how subsidized retail development has not worked
for the Bronx or the City. However, we can point to numbers—real
numbers—showing that New Yorkers of all stripes support our legislation.
In May, a poll by
Baruch College Survey Research was released, showing that New Yorkers
are in overwhelming agreement that the City needs a new ‘living wage”
law. According to that poll, 78 percent of New Yorkers agree with
requiring employers that get taxpayer-funded city subsidies to pay
$10-an-hour plus benefits, while just 15 percent do not. This includes
83 percent of Democrats, 74 percent of independents, and 56 percent of
Republicans.
What we have
seen in recent months, on all sides of the political spectrum, is a
total refusal by our citizenry to accept business as usual when it comes
to providing heavy taxpayer subsidies to private developers. The “Fair
Wages for New Yorkers” Act is a popular piece of legislation, and this
poll illustrates that point perfectly.
We
have heard the calls of our opposition, and we have answered them. We
have analyzed the City’s report on this legislation, and we have found
it critically flawed and lacking in scientific merit. The evidence, and
the public, are on our side.
The
“Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act currently has 29 City Council
co-sponsors, and we are hopeful that, following these hearings, that
number will grow. When significant taxpayer funding is used to make
private projects a reality, developers must do better by the people they
employ. The “Fair Wages for New Yorkers” Act will ensure that happens.
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